G20 ministers agree food commodities plan

G20 agriculture ministers have agreed a 24-page action plan to combat rising foodstuff commodity prices, to be submitted to heads of government at their upcoming November summit.

Following negotiations in Paris, representatives of the world’s major economies hailed the roadmap which calls for greater transparency in “distortion free” commodity markets including a data collection system to detect future shocks.

The ministers on Thursday said they intended to “improve the functioning” of agricultural commodities’ derivatives and stressed the need for “well-functioning” markets and means to manage the risks of excessive price volatility.

In their communiqué, they called for greater and sustainable productivity and “better market information that improves transmission of market signals” as a means of improving the global supply and security of food.

A new Agricultural Market Information System, housed at the United Nations’ Food and Agriculture Organization in Rome, will encourage major players in agricultural markets to share data. It will also “promote greater shared understanding” of food pricing and strengthen policy dialogue.

“We recognise the importance of timely, accurate and transparent information in helping to address food price volatility, and agree on the need to improve the quality, reliability, accuracy, timeliness and comparability of data on agricultural markets (production, consumption and stocks),” the communiqué added.

“The AMIS will involve G20 countries in the early stage and invite other main grain and oilseeds producing, exporting and importing countries, representatives from major commodity exchange markets and the private sector to participate.”

First published at gfsnews.com

Law practitioners battle against barriers to women’s rights on 30th anniversary of landmark convention

Women queuing to vote in the 2008 parliamentary elections in Bangladesh

Copyright: ComSec

By Will Henley

Senior legal figures recount some of the challenges faced in enforcing international women’s convention in India and Nigeria.

Exactly thirty years ago this month, at a special ceremony in Copenhagen on 17 July 1980, 64 states signed into being the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women.

This landmark international human rights instrument – CEDAW for short – is regarded by many as the first all-encompassing international bill of rights for women. It not only defines discrimination, but commits states to national action ensuring equality between the sexes.

The convention is important, according to Indira Jaising, a member of the UN Committee responsible for monitoring implementation, because it affords politicians a legal basis for socially progressive law making. “It paves the way,” she insists, “for government to put in place policies that are specifically tailored to ensure outcomes that are as beneficial to women as they are to men.”

Cultural and legal practices

Yet three decades on, despite today boasting 186 signatories, few countries are nearing full compliance, says Ms Jaising, a staunch defender of women’s rights and the first female in India to be appointed Additional Solicitor-General, one of the country’s six most senior legal officers.

As she explains, reconciling cultural traditions and religious and legal norms with international human rights standards has proven difficult in many nations. Discrimination against women on issues such as inheritance, marriage rights, child custody and adoption is still prevalent, even in India which has enshrined equality into its constitution and ratified CEDAW in 1993.

“Almost all countries now guarantee equality [between men and women] in their constitutions, but not many achieve equality in terms of outcomes,” she continues. “In terms of violence against women the situation is horrendous – the world hasn’t come close to eliminating it.

“In India we have a constitution which guarantees equality and our judiciary is fairly independent, but I don’t see an equality of outcomes. Women are not very well represented in the legislature and just look at literacy levels, employment law or female mortality. The practice of aborting female foetuses, too, is well known.”

Political will

In her role as Additional Solicitor-General, Ms Jaising says she expects to “refer to CEDAW” as she looks into cases of sexual harassment in the workplace and violence in the home. Yet there is a steep hill to climb, she concedes. Reconciling centuries-old cultural traditions and religious norms with international human rights conventions, while overcoming a lack of political will, is no easy feat.

“We [in India] have a lot of unequal family laws based on religion, which the government refuses to reform because it says communities have the right to preserve their traditions. They are also worried about the political fallout [of enforcing change].”

In Nigeria, another signatory to CEDAW, observers also say that implementation to date has been stymied by cultural and legal obstacles.

According to Hon Justice CC Nweze,  a Court of Appeal judge, the country’s “major problem” with respect to the implementation of the convention relates to a lack of appropriate statutory legislation to ensure the enforcement of its provisions, despite the ratification of CEDAW in 1985.

Lawmakers, he argues, have demonstrated little ambition to pass legislation to “domesticate” the convention. He claims this “legislative lethargy” has denied judges the opportunity to rely on and apply appropriate international human rights standards, especially when adjudicating on issues such as inheritance and property disputes between women and men.

The new rules direct that we must respect all international conventions whether domesticated or not

“When [politicians are elected] their tendency is to fend for themselves rather than cater for the majority of people. If we had proactive lawmakers, the provisions of CEDAW would have been reflected in statutory legislation already,” he says. “If international conventions are not incorporated into domestic law they cannot be used.”

Optimism for the future

For Nigeria’s female citizenry however, there may now be cause for cheer. New guidance on fundamental rights came into force six months ago, introduced by the country’s Chief Justice. This guidance, the so-calledFundamental Rights (Enforcement Procedure) Rules, give judges the power to directly apply to cases before them the provisions of applicable international human rights conventions such as CEDAW.

“The new rules direct that we must respect all international conventions whether domesticated or not,” says Hon Justice Nweze. “This means judges have a duty to consider relevant conventions including CEDAW and apply them to cases here.”

Although the impact of the rules remains to be seen, many experts are convinced that this could be a watershed moment for the implementation of all kinds of international human rights conventions ratified by the West African country.

Predicting that its courts can now expect a “flood” of new cases from women who believe they have been subjected to discrimination, Hon Justice Nweze suggests Nigeria’s women will reap “immense benefits” from the change. “This,” he says, “is a great revolution.”

Without prejudice

The experiences and insights of both Hon Justice Nweze and Indira Jaising are dealt with in a new study, Without Prejudice: CEDAW and the determination of women’s rights in a legal and cultural context, published by the Commonwealth Secretariat.

The publication looks at the range of cultural and legal concerns relating to the implementation of CEDAW and features chapters by leading practitioners and academics currently engaged with the issue.

A compendium of useful Commonwealth documents, agreements and case law, the book acts as a practical guide for judges, adjudicators, lawyers and activists to advance the principles of CEDAW within Commonwealth jurisdictions.

Link here.

Hopes for peaceful elections in Guyana as media strike deal

Defaced campaign poster from 2006 elections in Guyana
Defaced campaign poster from the 2006 elections in Guyana. Copyright: ComSec

By Will Henley

Commonwealth Secretariat teams up with United Nations to broker media code of conduct for Guyanese elections and beyond. 

By 2011, Guyana is set to hold presidential, national, regional and – for the first time since 1994 – local elections. The polls bring not only logistical challenges for the nation’s election commissioners, but also, according to observers, real dangers.

“I don’t want to overstate the risk,” says Enrico Woolford, Editor of Capitol News on Guyana’s Channel 7 television station, “but Guyana around election time is a volatile society because of its ethnic and political differences.”

In the decades following independence in 1966, voting in the Caribbean nation – which 20 years ago was the poorest in the region – was a harbinger of instability and violence.

With each poll came accusations of stuffed ballot boxes and election malpractice, stoked, say commentators, by biased reports from the country’s polarised media.

“You have two main ethnic groups [Afro-Guyanese and Indo-Guyanese] vying for political space,” says Mr Woolford, who describes the looming local elections as “historic”.

In 1998, tensions boiled over to the extent that a state of emergency was declared in the capital, Georgetown, and regional intervention by the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) was required to restore peace. In 2002, amid renewed violence, a popular TV presenter was charged with treason after reportedly encouraging demonstrators to storm the presidential complex.

“Rumours fill the air in Guyana – they can start in a minute and next you know it they are all round the country,” says Trevor Benn, a United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) governance analyst, who has been observing developments in the country. As Mr Benn explains, the media have a history of fuelling suspicions among political candidates and the public in general.

Building on the 2006 media code

“A number of talk show hosts spoke very loosely about what they felt might have been happening, [which] resulted in feelings of mistrust and anger among ethnic groups and the population,” he says. “It led to a number of street protests. Buildings in the main business areas were targeted and many set on fire. People were pounced on in the streets and allegations of rape were reported.

“People were living in constant fear of what to expect, wondering whether they should go out and whether they should vote.”

In the absence of any legislation to regulate the broadcast media, the Commonwealth Secretariat and UNDP were in 2005 invited by the Guyana Elections Commission (GECOM) to help agree a code of conduct between state and private media. The code which was then agreed – and supervised by a new media monitoring unit within GECOM – committed journalists and broadcasters to adhere to fair, balanced and accurate reporting at the 2006 elections.

According to international observers, the code helped contribute to a marked reduction in violence. The Commonwealth’s election team noted at the time that there was a “clear indication that the media code of conduct was being honoured”.

‘Many were sceptical’

Yet, by early 2010, with local elections fast approaching, it was felt that the code needed to be updated. Negotiations between state and private media to agree a revised code in 2009 had proven fruitless, and GECOM turned again to the Commonwealth Secretariat and UNDP to work with the parties.

Tim Neale, an expert adviser at the Secretariat – who worked on the 2006 code and recruited and trained GECOM’s media monitoring unit – was flown back into the country to meet with media bosses. “Somehow you’ve got to call the media’s attention to [the need to ensure fairness and reduce the risk of violence] just before an election,” explains Mr Neale, addressing the rationale for the new code.

“It’s a matter of making it crystal clear by reminding all the media that they are entering this key period again and that the nation is depending on them.”

Alongside UNDP and GECOM, Mr Neale brought together the owners, managers and editors from all major state and private media organisations at Georgetown’s Hotel Tower on 12 March 2010 to look anew at the document. “We took the 2006 code and put it up on a big screen,” he recalls. “Thirty people all sitting around this screen went through it sentence-by-sentence.”

‘An absolute success’

However, while getting all the parties in one room was one feat, sealing the deal was quite another.

“The problem is always to get both state media and private media to agree, because they have different perspectives. That makes it quite a challenging exercise,” Mr Neale says. “After going through the first paragraph one hour had gone by. I thought, ‘it’s going to take us several weeks to do this!’ So I told them, ‘we’re never going to do it at this rate – keep your sentences short and not too wordy.’ And, unbelievably, by the end of the day we’d got through it.”

The new code was agreed to unanimous approval the following day. It covers election reporting in the immediate pre- and post- election periods, but also – in referring to the basic principles of democratic journalism – covers the similarly crucial ‘intra-election’ period between polls.

Mr Benn is full of praise for Mr Neale’s effort, which for a second time – and after more than a year of wrangling between the different organisations – has helped deliver a code of conduct in time for Guyana’s upcoming elections. “I lift my hat off to Tim Neale,” he says. “Many were sceptical that he would be able to pull it off.”

The signing of the code “could only be deemed an absolute success”, adds Chairman of GECOM, Dr Steve Surujbally. Not only were all media players involved in crafting this piece of self-regulation, but they have “all committed themselves” to abide by it, he insists.

“For media owners and editors, it serves as a form of protection against criticism and legal action and provides a basic guarantee about the credibility of their output.”

Benchmarks on good practice

“For journalists, the code provides a benchmark against which their output and activities can be judged by others, as well as guidance for them about acceptable methods of gathering and presenting information. For the public, it provides a guarantee that the material they receive is a genuine reflection of the truth, based on information gathered fairly and thoroughly checked by those who present the information,” Dr Surujbally adds.

As for Mr Woolford, one of the editors to sign up to the revised code last month, he, too, is philosophical about the future. He says that he is “optimistic” now that the revised code is in place, though he adds that its success will depend on the commitment of the country’s media.

“I think the code does allow for fair and accurate reporting. It has benefits in terms of good practice, which is one of the reasons I signed on. News stories need to be as accurate and fair and balanced as possible. They need to show as many sides as possible so that the information is out there and can be used by the electorate to make informed decisions.”

But, as Mr Woolford insists: “To make sure there is no ethnic violence and polarisation the onus is on journalists.”

Link here.